“No civilisation has invited invaders in and put them up in four-star hotels"

A recent interview by Zoltán Kottász.

In a recent interview with the BBC, you said the Centre for a Better Britain will be driven by a “post-Brexit, pro-nation, pro-sovereignty, pro-Britain impulse and framework.” Does this mean that recent British governments were not driven by these factors?

There’s a caucus within the Conservative Party that likes to call itself the One Nation Tories—echoing Disraeli’s Sybil. But they’re not One Nation Tories. They’re No Nation Tories. They no longer believe in the nation; they believe in supranational structures to which we should subordinate our sovereignty.

The Labour Party, the other half of this duopoly that has wrecked Britain for 25 years, is made up of three client classes: the public sector class—loyal to their paymasters; the so-called rainbow people—hyper-liberal sexual progressives pushing identity politics; and finally, the Crescent—an increasingly confident political Islam that rejects the sovereignty of the nation-state altogether. None of these groups are loyal to Britain as a nation.

The reason there cannot be a better Britain with that duopoly is because they don’t recognise Britain, they don’t like Britain, they want to repudiate Britain—its heritage, its history, its people. Reform UK, on the other hand, is the only political force with a meaningful chance of success that still believes in the nation.

What happened to traditional conservative parties like the Tories in Britain or the CDU in Germany?

I suppose conservative parties are not always good at radically changing outlook and policies when the facts on the ground change. But in the past 25 years, we’ve faced unprecedented challenges—the fiscal suicide of net zero, crazy energy policies, mass unchecked migration, social and cultural disintegration. The Conservatives are chasing credibility with their own elites. They care more about being liked at a North London liberal dinner party than being cheered in a pub in Wolverhampton. That’s why someone like Nigel Farage resonates—he’s comfortable with ordinary people.

There was a wonderful moment a year ago: the England football team had a big game, and I remember Keir Starmer had put on a white T-shirt. He clearly hadn’t wanted to be seen supporting England, thinking a British prime minister cannot do that, but one of his aides must have thought, ‘At least put on a white T-shirt.’ This image, that “he’s not one of us,” is significant in the eyes of the voters. It’s more than just political optics. When Nigel Farage is in a pub, wearing an England top, surrounded by thirty people, smiling ear-to-ear, it looks like he actually belongs there.

There’s intellectual vitality on the Right now. There’s no intellectual energy on the Left, at all. It seems like a desperate, last-ditch attempt to exercise what mechanisms of state power, media power, and influence they still have to shore up a completely failing, sinking project. It feels like the Soviet Union in the 1980s, whose leaders were unable to respond to reality.

Another incident involving Keir Starmer was when he removed his poppy—the symbol of Armistice Day—from his suit before giving a speech about Islamophobia Awareness Month. Meanwhile, German leaders have said that Islam belongs to Germany. What kind of message does this send?

You can only think that Islam is some sort of constitutive ingredient in your national identity if you’ve entirely forgotten what your national identity is. Obviously, it’s descriptively correct that Germany is Islamifying very fast. In fact, Germany is on course to, once again, as a result of that Islamification, be the most antisemitic country in the world, certainly in Europe. An ideology built on not repeating what the Nazis had done in the 1930s has actually led to an outcome that has resulted in precisely that.

So what would a Nigel Farage-led government look like?

First, it would end the economic catastrophe of net zero. That alone will give the country an enormous kick in terms of productivity.

Then, immigration—leaving the European Court of Human Rights, getting out of Strasbourg, getting away from the jurisdiction of the foreign court. The whole point of Brexit was to reclaim our sovereignty, especially over our borders. And yet we remain under the jurisdiction of a foreign court, telling us who we can and can’t have in our own country, who we can and can’t deport, and for what reason. It’s absurd. There are lots of treaty commitments that we’re involved with that we would have to withdraw from. We need to exercise parliamentary sovereignty: the parliament needs to be put back in control, and the Supreme Court needs to be dissolved.

On tax and business—Britain is one of the most overtaxed nations in the developed world. Setting up a business is expensive and complicated. So Reform has to take a radical look at how tax is structured and how the incentives work.

The current government doesn’t know how to do anything other than make the country worse. That is going to increase support for Reform. And every time the Tories pop their heads up, everyone will be reminded of how badly they did for fourteen years, and that will also boost Reform. I firmly believe that by 2029, Reform will be approaching a massive electoral majority.

Reform isn’t the only national conservative party in Europe on the rise: there is Marine Le Pen’s Rassemblement National in France, the Alternative für Deutschland (AfD) in Germany. Are these political forces on the verge of a breakthrough?

Since the migration waves of 2013–15, the rise of pro-nation, sovereignist parties has been quite extraordinary. The only thing that’s resisting them is the machinery of state, lawfare, espionage, demonising the press. Yet despite all of this, you’re seeing astonishing electoral success as voters get more and more frustrated that they are not being allowed to connect their vote to meaningful influence and democratic accountability.

Still, parties like VOX in Spain, Chega in Portugal, Lega and Brothers of Italy, AfD, Rassemblement National, Vlaams Belang in Belgium, Geert Wilders in the Netherlands, Fidesz in Hungary—they’re all gaining ground. Reform UK fits into that pattern. I think the future belongs to the Right all across Europe, but it’s going to be painful getting there: it will mean some shocking examples of attempting to lock out politicians who look like they’re going to be successful, declaring a party unconstitutional as they’re trying to do with AfD in Germany, or it will be the judicial activism against [Italian Prime Minister] Meloni when she tries to deliver migration policies that she was expressly elected on. I think in the end, the Right will break through, and we’re going to see a radical lurch to the Right over the next five to ten years.

Migration is one of the biggest topics for Reform. What do the voters think?

Migration is now the most important issue for voters in Britain, by far. And if you look at the other issues underneath it, those are all issues that are being made worse because of mass migration—NHS capacity, education quality, housing. We’re importing millions of people, very few of whom actually end up working in the NHS, contrary to standard liberal justification for allowing mass unchecked migration. But guess what? Migrants get sick too. In fact, they get sick and have more complicated medical issues and health issues than ordinary Brits …

Read the full interview in The European Conservative.